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Limited Livestream Rights Available Contact our customer service department to order or for more information. Script use:. Synopsis Set in a tiny sewing factory in East L. We now turn to the specific questions were addressed. When asked about the analysis of curvier body ideals that also emerged from the reasons for women wanting to control their weight, par- focus group data.

From Coca-Cola Shaped Gals to Shrinking Violets: The Although generally participants acknowledged the unreal- Rise of Latinidad istic expectations set by media images of ultra-thin women, most conveyed that these representations exerted an In spite of mainstream images that privilege thin women as omnipresent pressure to judge their own weight and shape, the ideal to be sought, most participants acknowledged that along with their on-and-off efforts to lose weight. The slowly, but increasingly, alternative body types have been ultimate social stereotype was summarized in being thin, capturing the public imagination.

Not surprisingly, the tall and White. Only a few part to do with it. Some participants specifically referred to J-Lo as the Moderator: Regardless of race and ethnicity? Participant 3: Curves. A pear-shaped woman. That used to be discrim- getting her wedding dress put on, and me and another inated against! She looked so good in her dress because she had curves, and me and A remarkable discrepancy emerged from the way in my friend were commenting on it. As noted earlier, results from the God: look at these hips!

We were just talking about how regardless of body weight believed that men preferred a good you look in that dress because you have hips.

In fact, good thing. I think. The guys used to love it! I mean the Latino darker Participant 1, group 3: And you must have all heard males. I have dated Asian males, but I find that the White about the Dove program, how the Dove commercials males like me to be small and I seem to attract more [of [show] about true beauty. You although participants acknowledged the pervasive influ- can be thin but there needs to be curves there.

Finally, and despite ies. These results concord with the conflicting findings the fact that mainstream media have steadily become reported by the literature reviewed earlier. Indeed, although more inclusive of Latinas and Latinos, these remain the participants showed discordance with their actual body most underrepresented segment in non-Spanish language shape compared to what they would like to be, they sup- mass media and the most under-represented population ported counter paradigms more permissive of fuller body among major minority groups in the US magazine types [20, 44].

Against simplified bicultural notions that place Latinas amidst two opposed cultural domains mainstream Amer- ican norms versus the culture of origin , our research has Conclusions and Future Steps: Beyond Body Paradoxes underscored a more comprehensive picture. We argue that these con- As revealed by the quantitative data, all participants tradictions are a reflection of overlapping social and reported a preference for thinner body types than what they cultural constructs that pervade Latina ideals in society.

Our findings also accord with a large body of the predicament to which women should subscribe. Nev- literature that points out the power of western values, and ertheless, our qualitative analysis also shows that particularly the media, in setting unrealistic slender stan- participants acknowledged the acceptance of heavier and dards leading to body dissatisfaction [8, 45].

These results also thy with having a curvy shape appear to be dissonant with a suggest how different and even contradictory body ideals media culture obsessed with images of abnormal thin can co-exist among Latinas. In the end, our coining of the models [24, 46]. As noted image and body satisfaction among Latinas is far from earlier, the mainstream command to stay thin could conclusive.

Cultural factors that may protect some histories first and second generation , and sexual orienta- groups may become a risk factor for others, as it has been tion. Conspicuously, although the social sciences and found among African Americans whose positive body health literature have consistently reported a relationship image correlate with high obesity prevalence [18]. In between social class SES and body type [49], most other words, being curvy is not necessarily synonymous studies overlook SES as a determinant of intra- and inter- with being healthy.

More work is also needed on the cultural group 6. Intl J Intercult Relat. Ethnicity as a protective factor against inter- nalization of a thin ideal and body dissatisfaction. Intl J Eat different Latinas for whom subjective notions of personal Disord. Relationship of satisfaction with body size and trying to lose where no other women have gone before. Prev Med. Acknowledgements We want to express our sincere gratitude to the We also want to acknowledge Beatrice J. Krauss, the self-perception of overweight.

Obes Res. The eating attitudes test: validation His invaluable comments, suggestions and detailed proofreading of an with DSM-IV eating disorder criteria. J Pers Assess. We — Nicholas relationship between body esteem and self-esteem. J Psychol. Stice E. Review of the evidence for a sociocultural model of laborative and Doctor of Public Health Program Faculty Seminar bulimia nervosa and an exploration of the mechanisms of action.

Series on April 15, Their empowerment as women, then, is meshed with their change in legal status, which, among other things, means they will no longer have to live in fear of "la migra. The play concludes on Friday afternoon, after the dresses are finished and the women throw an impromp- tu birthday party in the workplace for Estela.

In an act of solidar- ity with Estela, the women return their paychecks to her when they realize that she will not have enough money to catch up with her debts. In a dramatic move, Estela calls up Mrs.

Glitz of the Glitz Company and quits, and announces to the women that she has secured a new contract with a Senor Vasquez. When Estela calls Mrs. Glitz, she tells her off, calling her "a mean, wicked, bit- ter, unsympathetic, greedy, rude, awful. The women are acting together in the best interests of the group, and Estela, on their behalf, has implemented her new sense of empowerment to seek out a better contract for the women workers.

In the closing moments of the play, the women ask Ana to take their picture; as the camera flashes, they freeze; Ana steps out and the spotlight falls on her. In a somewhat lengthy closing monologue. Ana addresses the audience directly and confesses that I always took their work for granted, to be simple and unimportant. I was not proud to be working there at the beginning. I was going to be better than them. And I wanted to show them how much smarter and lib- erated I was.

I was going to teach them about the women's liberation movement, about sexual libera- tion and all the things a so-called educated American woman knows. But in their subtle ways they taught me about resistance. About a battle no one was fighting for them except themselves. About the loneliness of being women in a country that looks down on us for being mothers and submissive wives. With their work that seems simple and unimportant, they are fighting.

Perhaps the great- est thing I learned from them is that women are powerful, especially when working together.

As for me, well, I settled for a secondhand typewriter and I wtote an essay on my experience and I was awarded a fellowship. When I came back the plans for making the boutique were no longer a dream, but a reality. They bow, and the curtain drops. By addressing the audience directly at the end ofthe play.

Ana's voice and perspective frame the action, making it less of a collective story and more squarely Ana's individual story. Furthermore, Ana tells us in her closing lines that she wrote about her experience to get a fellowship.

This admission exposes the real tension in this text between the individual and the collective. On the one hand. Ana traces her connections to the collective and acknowledges these women's contributions to the development of her political consciousness; on the other hand, she trades on her experiences with them and what she learned from them for individual gain.

How does the tribe—those hidden historic voices that haunt memory—serve as a catalyst for creative work? In the end, it is not the fact of mediation that gives me pause, as Zandy and other scholars of working-class literature remind us that this is inevitably going to be a common issue with working-class women's writings.

However, none of the criticism of the play mentions this framing and mediation; with Zandy, who urges that we "need to trace more carefully the process of mediation from the perspective of the extraordinary individual writer to her collective identity," 7 It is important to note and reflect on the formal aspects of the way that this particular play is framed by Ana's inner thoughts and concluded with Ana's closing monologue.

As Zandy notes in her introduction to Calling Home, "a collectivist rather than individualistic sensibility is a key difference between bourgeois art and working-class art" 12 ; the tension between the two sensibilities as manifested in this ttxt is a hallmark of many narratives of upward class mobility.

The happy ending, however, is entry into entrepreneurship, the embrace ofthe American Dream. Here the feminist consciousness of the play diverges from the working-class consciousness. It is empowering, in an individual way, for Estela to go into business for herself, designing clothing for plus-sized women.

It is certain- ly a good thing for these individual women to work for Estela, rather than in another sweatshop. It is perhaps a feminist move to design and produce clothing for plus-sized women. But though real women have curves, and deserve to have clothes that fit and flatter them, the form that this feminist statement takes seems to preclude the class critique and working-class consciousness that mark the earlier parts of the text.

This closing monologue also raises the question of who buys these designer jackets and evening gowns. Newly-educated professional women like Ana? How can these women, who are sbown modeling the dresses in the closing scene of tbe play, afford such dresses, even in their new positions sewing for Estela's boutique?

The ending of the play creates, however unrealistically, upward mobility for all.